War Powers

Congress Should Limit, Not Expand, Irregular Warfare Authority

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Mar 30th, 2023

Policy Alert: Iran-U.S. Hostilities Ratcheting Up in Syria

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Mar 24th, 2023

Opaque Transparency on the Use of Force: Observations on the 2022 “1264” Report

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Mar 14th, 2023

The Ukraine War and the Crime of Aggression: How to Fill the Gaps in the International Legal System

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Jan 23rd, 2023

Війна в Україні та злочин агресії: Як заповнити прогалини в міжнародній правовій системі

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Jan 23rd, 2023

The Limits of Remote Warfare: Aligning Values with Interests

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Jan 18th, 2023

Missed Opportunities and Minor Progress: The FY 2023 National Defense Bill and War Powers

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Dec 15th, 2022

How Support to Partner Forces Enables Secret War

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Nov 3rd, 2022

Assessing Biden’s New Policy Framework for Counterterrorism Direct Action

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Oct 11th, 2022

The Biden Administration Should Begin its “War on Secrecy” by Releasing Key War Powers Reports

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Aug 26th, 2022

The Biden Administration’s Options for Responding to Abbott’s Unconstitutional Border Enforcement Executive Order

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Jul 13th, 2022

Still at War: The United States in Iraq

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May 18th, 2022

Biden’s New Counterterrorism Policy in Somalia: Cautions and Unknowns

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May 17th, 2022

Still at War: The United States in Syria

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Apr 29th, 2022

Still at War: The United States in the Sahel

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Apr 7th, 2022

Still at War: The United States in Somalia

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Mar 31st, 2022

Still at War: The United States in Yemen

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Mar 24th, 2022

Introduction to Symposium: Still at War – Where and Why the United States is Fighting the “War on Terror”

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Mar 24th, 2022

Ukraine and War Powers: A Legal Explainer

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Mar 3rd, 2022

What I Told Congress about U.S. Lethal Strikes

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Feb 17th, 2022

2022 Update: Good Governance Paper No. 14: War Powers Reform

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Jan 21st, 2022

Paradigm Shift: The Consequences of Choosing a War Path, and Leaving It

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Sep 11th, 2021

A Giant Step Forward for War Powers Reform

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Jul 20th, 2021

Biden’s Support of 2002 AUMF Repeal: The Start of a Long Overdue Conversation

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Jun 16th, 2021

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