Office of Foreign Assets Control (OFAC)

Holding Putin and Russia Accountable: A List of Legal and Policy Options

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Feb 25th, 2022

To Make Sanctions Policy More Humane, Limit Food and Medicine Inflation

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Jan 26th, 2022

Cuando la corrupción no tiene rastro de dinero: las sanciones pasan por alto casos cruciales

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Jan 21st, 2022

When Corruption Has No Money Trail: Sanctions Overlook Crucial Cases

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Jan 19th, 2022

Biden debe cambiar, no profundizar, la fallida estrategia de Trump hacia Venezuela

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Jan 6th, 2022

Biden Must Change, Not Deepen, Trump’s Failed Venezuela Strategy

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Jan 5th, 2022

Sanctions Review Fails to Review Sanctions: Congress Should Step In

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Nov 2nd, 2021

Reassessing Counter Terrorism Financing in a Taliban-Controlled Afghanistan

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Sep 17th, 2021

Aligning Sanctions Laws with Humanitarian Principles: Pre-authorizing Aid in Afghanistan and Other Crises

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Sep 3rd, 2021

Afghans Need More Than Solidarity

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Aug 25th, 2021

US Counterterrorism Measures May Block Aid to Afghans

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Aug 23rd, 2021

The Humanitarian and Policy Challenges of U.S. Sanctions on the Taliban

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Aug 23rd, 2021

Sanctions Law Needs Reform, But How?

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Jun 15th, 2021

Fighting the ‘International Thief Thief’ with Global Magnitsky Sanctions

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Apr 15th, 2021

Ripe for Reform: The Opaque World of Specific Licenses to Do Business Under Sanctions

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Feb 12th, 2021

A Test for the US Posture on the Int’l Criminal Court: “Safe Harbor” Licenses?

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Sep 4th, 2020

Why Them? On the U.S. Sanctions Against Int’l Criminal Court Officials

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Sep 2nd, 2020

Trump’s ICC EO Will Undercut All U.S. Sanctions Programs—Is That Why Treasury Isn’t Conspicuously on Board?

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Jun 16th, 2020

Dissecting the Executive Order on Int’l Criminal Court Sanctions: Scope, Effectiveness, and Tradeoffs

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Jun 15th, 2020

Revisiting Export Controls in the COVID Era

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May 14th, 2020

U.S. Sanctions Against Iran’s Foreign Minister and International Law

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Aug 28th, 2019