Intelligence activities

States should treat spyware governance as a top-tier political priority and work toward a binding, enforceable regulatory framework.

The law of armed conflict is not suited to provide the legal clarity the public desires immediately following attacks that kill civilians.

Congress should establish a bipartisan commission to investigate errors in going to war with Iran and how the war has been waged.

An intelligence official on what the declassified material shows—and does not show—about foreign threats and the president’s allegation of an intelligence community cover-up.

Ryan Goodman sits down with Andrew Weissmann, former FBI General Counsel and DOJ veteran, to unpack FISA reauthorization.

A rebuttal to George Croner’s critique of the Brennan Center’s “Myths and Facts” on FISA Section 702 backdoor searches and why RISAA falls short.

Former senior CIA and head of Interfor Academy assess the potential intelligence failures in U.S. preparation for Iran war.

A warrant mandate is unnecessary, legally mistaken, and damaging to national security as the program faces expiration on April 20, 2026.

Secretary of State Marco Rubio’s argument that Operation Epic Fury was an act of preemptive self-defense is not credible and does not satisfy the necessary precondition.

The U.S. withdrawal from international cyber organizations will hamper intelligence sharing, coordinated response, and joint capabilities.

In Burnley v. United States, relatives sue on behalf of two Trinidadian men killed in a boat strike, confronting U.S. sovereign immunity and the political question doctrine.

Intelligence has a central role to play in capitalizing on the successful capture of Maduro and stabilizing post-Maduro Venezuela, demonstrating U.S. capabilities and resolve.