Use of Force

The Forever War on the Homefront

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Sep 8th, 2021

A Giant Step Forward for War Powers Reform

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Jul 20th, 2021

Biden’s Support of 2002 AUMF Repeal: The Start of a Long Overdue Conversation

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Jun 16th, 2021

Trump’s Secret Rules for Drone Strikes and Presidents’ Unchecked License to Kill

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May 3rd, 2021

Team of Legal Gladiators? Iraqi Militias’ Tortured Relationship with Law

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Apr 12th, 2021

Self-Defense Against Non-State Actors: All Over the Map

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Mar 24th, 2021

Protecting the Information Space in Times of Armed Conflict

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Mar 3rd, 2021

Biden’s First Strike and the International Law of Self-Defense

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Feb 26th, 2021

To End the Forever Wars, Rein in the Drones

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Feb 16th, 2021

NATO and the Nuclear Weapons Ban Treaty: Options for the Biden Administration

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Jan 28th, 2021

The Definition of Aggression and Self-Defense

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Dec 14th, 2020

Biden Must Stick to His Pledge to End US Support for the Yemen War

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Dec 14th, 2020

The Nagorno-Karabakh Conflict and the Exercise of “Self-Defense” to Recover Occupied Land

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Nov 10th, 2020

Toward a New Approach to National and Human Security: End Unlawful, Secret, and Unaccountable Use of Lethal Force

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Sep 11th, 2020

The UN Charter’s Original Effect on State Sovereignty and the Use of Force

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Aug 27th, 2020

A Threat or A Warning: Russia’s Weapons Testing in Space

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Jul 31st, 2020

Questions the Senate Should Ask State Legal Adviser Nominee CJ Mahoney

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Jul 20th, 2020

DOD’s New Ex Gratia Policy: What’s Right, What’s Wrong, and What’s Next

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Jul 10th, 2020

Toward a Consistent and Coherent Ex Gratia Policy for Civilian Casualties

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Jul 10th, 2020

The United Nations Charter at 75: Between Force and Self-Defense — Part Two

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Jun 24th, 2020

The United Nations Charter at 75: Between Force and Self-Defense — Part One

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Jun 24th, 2020

On Iranian Gunboats: Beware Conflating American and Mainstream Views of the Law

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Jun 2nd, 2020

The Fatal Flaw in DOD’s Latest Civilian Casualties Report

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May 14th, 2020

The Syrian War’s Forcing Effect on International Law

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May 13th, 2020